A robust evidence base has demonstrated Sources of Strength’s efficacy in increasing school belonging, healthy coping skills, and related protective factors (Calear et al., 2022; Petrova et al., 2015; Wyman et al., 2010). Sources of Strength is an upstream, peer-led, suicide prevention program aimed at promoting mental health and well-being broadly through increasing help-seeking behaviors and peer connectedness (LoMurrary, 2005). The program utilizes a visual representation of eight “strengths” that are central to the Sources of Strength model, including mental health, physical health, family support, positive friends, mentors, healthy activities, generosity, and spirituality. This model is based on the medicine wheel used in Indigenous cultures, which emphasizes balance between the mental, physical, emotional, and spiritual aspects of humanity (Lavallée, 2007). These eight “strengths” from the Sources of Strength model are the eight protective factors examined in the current study.

The current study is also framed with the understanding that social identities overlap and various forms of privilege and oppression operate together creating experiences of discrimination (Cho et al., 2013; Crenshaw, 1991) and in this case, victimization. Similar to other marginalized overlapping identities (e.g., Black women, Asian women, Native American women, etc.), Latinas face a ‘double jeopardy’ because their identity is partly formed by both gender and racial stereotypes (Beale, 1970; Correa, 2010). For example, Latinas are simultaneously hypersexualized in our society (López & Chesney-Lind, 2014), while culturally specific narratives like that of marianismo emphasize women’s passivity, nurturance, and subordinate position to men (Lopez, 2013). The competing tropes about Latinas present a complicated understanding of Latina women’s womanhood and sexualities that may be related to their experiences of violence. Furthermore, the misrepresentation of Latinas based on racial and gender stereotypes may influence how protective factors are associated with various forms of interpersonal violence.

Peer victimization, often referred to as bullying, occurs when an individual is the target of physical, verbal, and/or social aggression committed by other peers (Robinson et al., 2021). Forms of peer victimization can include intentional group exclusion, teasing, and physical hostility (Reijntjes et al., 2010). Literature on bullying victimization among adolescents in the U.S. has mostly focused on non-Latinx White and African American experiences (Lutrick et al., 2020). However, the emerging literature on Latinx experiences with peer victimization suggests that Latinx youth experience higher rates of peer victimization and depression than non-Latinx peers due to unique factors, such as language barriers, perceived immigration status, and physical appearance as it relates to African and Indigenous ancestry (Lutrick et al., 2020; Robinson et al., 2021). Cardoso et al. (2018) introduced the term “ethnic-biased bullying” after conducting a study that considered the overlap between bullying and discrimination among minority adolescents (Lutrick et al., 2020). Ethnic-based victimization has been linked to adverse mental and behavioral health outcomes, such as substance use (Cardoso et al., 2018; Garnett et al., 2014; Robinson et al., 2021). Several protective factors have been shown to mitigate the relation between bullying and negative health outcomes among Latinx and minority adolescents who experience peer victimization. Among Latinas, protective factors include high self-esteem, emotional regulation, prosocial friendships, positive peer relationships, and peer sociability (Romero et al., 2013). Additionally, Robinson et al. (2021) demonstrated that greater willingness to seek help among Latinx students and higher ethnic representation at school were significantly associated with lower levels of depression.

Teen dating violence (TDV) is a form of victimization that occurs when adolescents experience psychological, physical, or sexual aggression within a romantic or intimate relationship (Cutter-Wilson & Richmond, 2011). In 2016, more than 10% of the adolescent population in the U.S. reported experiencing TDV, and TDV continues to be a prevalent health concern (Shaffer et al., 2018). According to the Youth Risk Behavior Survey, Latinx adolescents reported experiencing significantly higher rates of sexual TDV compared to non-Latinx White and non-Latinx Black adolescents (Shaffer et al., 2018). The survey also showed that Latinas reported significantly higher rates of physical and sexual dating violence victimization than Latinos, indicating a gender disparity among Latinx adolescents (Shaffer et al., 2018). Adolescents who experience TDV are at an increased risk for developing depressive symptoms, practicing unsafe sex, developing substance abuse, and suicidal ideation (Espelage et al., 2018; Shaffer et al., 2018). Furthermore, being victimized by peers and family can be a predictor of TDV due to increased exposure to and acceptance of violence in interpersonal relationships (Sabina et al., 2016). Among Latinx youth, protective factors include open parent-adolescent communication, helping adolescents identify trustworthy, non-parental figures to speak to about intimate experiences, and addressing cultural values that may influence dating behaviors, such as gender role expectations (Shaffer et al., 2018). In this study, we will explore additional protective factors for TDV among Latina adolescents.

Sexual violence (SV) victimization is defined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as any sexual act perpetrated against an individual’s consent, involving unwanted, completed, attempted, or alcohol/drug facilitated penetration, sexual coercion, unwanted physically sexual contact, or verbal sexual harassment (Basile et al., 2014). Sexual violence victimization disproportionately affects high school girls. In the U.S. (grades 9–12), 10.5% of females compared to 4.2% of male students reported being physically forced to have sexual intercourse at some point during their childhood or adolescence (Johns et al., 2019; Kann et al., 2018). For Latinas, SV victimization is related to numerous health and wellbeing concerns, including increased risk for post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and suicidality (Basile et al., 2014). Intersecting identities must be considered as well. For example, one study found that Latinas who were born outside of the U.S. experienced higher levels of SV victimization than those born in the U.S. (Cavanaugh et al., 2013). Given that compounding experiences of risk and inequities can be detrimental to a Latina’s physical and psychological health, it is important to consider relevant protective factors for this population in particular. For example, some research has indicated that mothers’ involvement and parenting style has played an important role in protecting against sexual and dating violence among Latina adolescents (East & Hokoda, 2015). Largely, however, literature on factors protective of sexual violence victimization has not focused specifically on Latina adolescents. Based on our theorizing, we argue that the multiplicity of identities that individuals hold warrant the examination of protective factors relevant to specific populations, especially those who may inherently be at greater risk for experiencing oppression because of their marginalized identities.

Polyvictimization refers to experiencing multiple forms of traumatic stressors, such as sexual abuse, physical abuse, bullying, dating violence, and exposure to family violence (Dierkhising et al., 2019; Finkelhor et al., 2007). In the U.S., approximately 64.5% of youth concurrently experience two forms of victimization (Finkelhor et al., 2011; Sterzing et al., 2017). Of youth between the ages of 2–17, 20% report experiencing five or more forms of victimization and 7% experience seven or more forms (Finkelhor et al., 2007; Sterzing et al., 2017). Polyvictimization has been shown to increase the likelihood of experiencing adverse mental health including depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress, and suicidal ideation (Cudmore et al., 2015; Finkelhor et al., 2007; Ford et al., 2010; Sterzing et al., 2017; Turner et al., 2006).

Increased symptoms of depression, anxiety, and anger are prominent among Latinx identifying adults and polyvictimized adolescents (Cuevas et al., 2010; Sabina & Cuevas, 2013; Sterzing et al., 2017). Studies support that experiencing multiple forms of victimization can also impact behavior among Latinx adolescents. Sterzing et al. (2017) demonstrated that polyvictimization was associated with increased delinquency among a sample of Latinx adolescents across the nation. Social support was found to decrease levels of anger, which has been found to be an outcome of experiencing polyvictimization (Sterzing et al., 2017). Greater social support also decreases the likelihood of experiencing polyvictimization among Latino adolescents (Sabina & Cuevas, 2013). Other protective factors for polyvictimized youth include having a high IQ, living in a positive family environment, and residing in a neighborhood with high levels of social cohesiveness (Crush et al., 2018).

The purpose of this study is to inform the literature on protective factors for multiple forms of victimization among Latina adolescents, including peer victimization, dating violence victimization, sexual violence victimization, and polyvictimization. Examining victimization through a Sources of Strength framework and given the literature on protective factors for this group, we hypothesize that family support, positive friends, spirituality, and access to counseling will be associated with lower incidence of peer victimization, dating violence victimization, sexual violence victimization, and polyvictimization. Furthermore, additional research suggests that protective factors associated with multiple outcomes for marginalized groups deserve sufficient inquiry to inform public health initiatives (Mintz et al., 2021).

Table 1 presents descriptive statistics for all demographics and study variables. Table 2 shows bivariate correlations. The following paragraphs present unstandardized coefficients for each predictor in the multiple regression models (standardized coefficients can be found in Table 3).

Table 3 presents results for the outcome of peer victimization. Age (b <Monospace>= − .05</Monospace>, S.E. = .02, p < .05) was significantly associated with lower peer victimization, such that older Latinas reported less peer victimization. Family support (b<Monospace> = − .12</Monospace>, S.E. = .03, p < .01), access to counseling (b <Monospace>= − .08</Monospace>, S.E. =.03, p < .05), and access to medical services (b <Monospace>= − .08</Monospace>, S.E. = .03, p < .05) were associated with lower rates of peer victimization. However, generosity (b = .14, S.E. = .04, p < .001) and having a trusted adult (b = .07, S.E. = .03, p < .05) were associated with higher rates of peer victimization.

Table 3 presents results for the outcome teen dating violence victimization. Healthy activities (b <Monospace>= − .11</Monospace>, S.E. = .03, p < .001) was significantly associated with less teen dating violence victimization.

Table 3 presents results for the outcome sexual violence victimization. Age (b <Monospace>= − .02</Monospace>, S.E. = .01, p < 0.01) was significantly associated with less sexual violence victimization, such that older Latinas reported less sexual violence victimization. Family support (b <Monospace>= − .04</Monospace>, S.E. = .01, p < 0.01) and access to counseling (b <Monospace>= − .05</Monospace>, S.E. = .01, p < .001) were significantly associated with less sexual violence victimization.

Table 3 presents results for the outcome polyvictimization. Age (b <Monospace>= − .08</Monospace>, S.E. = .03, p < .01) was significantly associated with lower polyvictimization, such that older Latinas reported less polyvictimization. Family support (b <Monospace>= − .23</Monospace>, S.E. = .05, p < .01) and access to medical services (b <Monospace>= − .13</Monospace>, S.E. = 0.05, p < 0.01) were significantly associated with less polyvictimization. However, generosity (b = .18, S.E. = .06, p < .01) was significantly associated with higher rates of polyvictimization.

The identity of adolescent Latinas is simultaneously shaped by at least two social constructs: their gender and their Hispanic/Latinx ethnic identity (Beale, 1970; Correa, 2010). As adolescent Latinas explore and develop their identity, they often seek representation in their environments (e.g., home, school, community) which over the past three decades have increasingly become online environments controlled largely by the media, which perpetuates socially constructed norms including negative or conflicting stereotypes (Correa, 2010). In this study, the Sources of Strength framework (LoMuray, 2005) was used to understand how protective factors were associated with interpersonal violence victimization among Latinas acknowledging the intersectionality of gender and ethnic identities. This study examined cross-sectional data from Latinas attending 19 high schools in Colorado to capture which protective factors were associated with less interpersonal violence victimization. A series of multiple regression models were conducted for the outcomes of peer victimization, dating violence victimization, sexual violence victimization, and polyvictimization. Results from the current study indicated that family support, access to counseling, access to medical services, and healthy activities were associated with lower incidents of various forms of interpersonal forms of violence. However, other protective factors like generosity and trusted adults were associated with higher peer victimization and polyvictimization.

Peer victimization and polyvictimization resulted in the same significant protective factors. Family support, access to counseling, and access to medical services were protective for peer victimization and polyvictimization among adolescent Latinas. One of the most salient features of Latinx culture is the emphasis on family. The value of familismo encompasses family interdependence and cohesion such that there is a sense of loyalty and reciprocity within the immediate and extended family (Calzada et al., 2013). The role of family support and resiliency within immigrant families have also been protective for experiences of discrimination and internalizing factors (Lee et al., 2020; Ramos et al., 2021) but largely understudied as it relates to peer victimization. A limited amount of research has identified family-level protective factors for peer victimization in general, but specifically among Latinx and Asian youth (Hong et al., 2014). Extant literature indicates that parent-child bonding and parent-child communication are some of the family components that are protective for bullying behaviors (Maffini et al., 2011; Spriggs et al., 2007). Other studies suggest the absence of interpersonal violence in the home as protective for bullying involvement (Espelage et al., 2012; Spriggs et al., 2007). How family support within Latinx culture serves as protective for bullying has not yet been studied, and our findings suggest that future research should examine what factors within the families are protective for peer victimization and polyvictimization.

Although access to counseling and medical services as protective factors for peer victimization and polyvictimization among Latinx adolescents has not been studied before, these findings suggest the importance of access to services for victimization. When it comes to access, there are significant disparities in the Latinx community in receiving physical and mental health services (Cook et al., 2017). Some of these barriers to counseling and medical services include low income, immigration status, acculturation level, employment status, health insurance coverage, and English language proficiency (Carrillo et al., 2011; Rastogi et al., 2012; Velasco et al., 2016). Some of these barriers to services overlap with factors associated with bias-based or ethnic-based peer victimization towards Latinx youth, such as low income, perceived immigration status, acculturation level and English language fluency (Lorenzo-Blanco et al., 2016; Shetgiri et al., 2012). It is possible that the Latinas in this sample who reported having access to medical services and counseling may also have been U.S. born Latinas, more assimilated to U.S. culture, speak English fluently, or may not be low-income relative to other Latinx youth in their respective schools.

Unexpectedly, generosity was not protective and was associated with greater peer victimization and polyvictimization. Although these findings have not been explored in the extant literature, adolescent females and adolescent females of color specifically are surrounded by gender and racial stereotypes while developing their own identities (Correa, 2010). Latinas are hypersexualized within U.S. media while simultaneously being expected to uphold cultural values such as Marianismo that are aligned with the social construction of femininity and its role in collectivism to include characteristics such as the subordination to men, self-sacrifice and nurturance (Lopez, 2013). The expectations for females to be generous and fulfill a caretaking role within a collectivist cultural framework may place them at greater risk of being victimized by peers who view this trait as a “weakness” in U.S. individualistic culture. Because generosity was also associated with polyvictimization, it is possible that Latinas who reported being generous may uphold some of the Marianismo values that increase their likelihood of other types of interpersonal victimization. The literature on younger Latinas and the relationship between cultural values and violence is growing. One recent study examined relationship factors associated with early adolescent dating violence among Latinx youth in an agricultural community (Boyce et al., 2020). Findings suggested that endorsement of marianismo beliefs, specifically regarding female virtue and chastity, were associated with dating violence victimization among preadolescent Latinas.

Having a trusted adult was associated with higher peer victimization among Latinas. Given that our data are cross-sectional we cannot predict causality, thus it is also possible that Latinas connected with more trusted adults because they were victimized by peers. Another consideration that may have influenced this association is the nature of the relationship between Latina adolescents and their trusted adults. Campos-Castillo et al. (2021) found that Latinx adolescents sought out mental health support from trusted adults with experiential knowledge, authority, and close emotional and physical proximity to the adolescents. Their findings also showed that having immigrant parents influenced the type of support the adolescents sought out due to unique barriers, making it imperative that Latinx adolescents receive the proper type of instrumental and emotional support from trusted adults that are not their parents (Campos-Castillo et al., 2021). In this study, the Latina participants may have had trusted adults who did not provide the resources and support they needed to protect against peer victimization.

Of the eight protective factors, healthy activities was the only protective factor for TDV victimization among Latina adolescents. Although no study has examined healthy activities as protective for TDV, extracurricular activities and hobbies can be protective for adolescents through additional social support (Mendonça et al., 2014). Research suggests that for females, the relation between social support and TDV is protective (Richard & Branch, 2012). Thus, Latinas who reported involvement in healthy activities such as extracurriculars may be protected from TDV through social support and spending time with peers who are likely to influence dating behaviors. However, it is unknown what kinds of healthy activities are protective for TDV among Latinas. Lastly, family support and access to counseling were the two protective factors for experiencing SV among Latinas. Research on interpersonal violence suggests that parental support, involvement and monitoring are protective factors for SV (Basile & Smith, 2011; DeGue et al., 2013). However, it is unknown what elements of family support are protective for SV among Latinas. Access to counseling has also not been examined as protective for SV and rather, it has been studied as a moderator between SV and mental health outcomes (Caplan & Wittemore, 2013; Pico-Alfonso et al., 2006). The aforementioned ways in which access to counseling may be protective for peer victimization and polyvictimization may be similar for SV, such that factors like citizenship, acculturation level, English fluency, and income may contribute to SV prevention for Latinas.

Further, age emerged as a significant protective factor of peer victimization, SV victimization, and polyvictimization. These findings are aligned with previous research that has found that bullying victimization increases through the elementary grades, peaks during middle school, and gradually decreases during the high school years (Craig et al., 2009; Lien et al., 2009; Peskin et al., 2006). For instance a study examining bullying perpetration and victimization among Black and Hispanic adolescents found that these experiences peaked around 9th grade (Peskin et al., 2006). It is possible that younger Latinas are perceived as weaker and more vulnerable to being targets of bullying victimization compared to older Latinas, as previous evidence suggests that younger students even within the same grade are more likely to be targeted (Tiiri et al., 2020; Mühlenweg, 2010). Older Latinas may also develop stronger connections to trusted adults as they progress through high school and due to maturation may develop social emotional skills that may be protective against multiple forms of victimization and SV.

The findings here, coupled with the extant literature, highlight the need for a strengths-based lens to interpersonal violence prevention among women of color (Gonzalez et al., 2020). The protective factors in this study included family support, access to counseling and medical services, and healthy activities which can help shape interpersonal violence prevention research, policy and practice to account for the experiences of adolescent Latinas. Currently and historically, non-Latinx White women are centered in research and mainstream views of interpersonal violence, which fails to capture the experiences of Latinas and other women of color and delegitimizes them as victims and survivors of violence (Crenshaw, 1991; Klein et al., 2021). Given the growing number of Latinx youth in the U.S. and the deleterious impact of interpersonal violence on long term physical and mental health, research, policy, and practice must examine and challenge socially constructed risk factors while simultaneously working to enhance and promote existing protective factors.